On March 10, 1998, the cream of Chile’s economic, political, and military elite, along with an assembled corps of foreign dignitaries, witnessed an event rich in symbolism and history. At the culminating point in a military ceremony held in his honour, the nation’s retiring Commander-in-Chief handed over his sword to his designated successor. That sword had been in the possession of every Chilean military leader since Bernardo O’Higgins, the legendary hero of the independence struggle, raised it against Spain, Chile’s colonial ruler, in 1818. For most of the nation’s history since that time, the country’s military officers holding the sword had respected the authority of the civilian political leadership, a rare situation in Latin America. But General Augusto Pinochet, the man who was now relinquishing military control to his hand-picked successor, Major-General Ricardo Izurieta, had played a very different, and controversial, role in Chile’s recent history.

In September 1973, Pinochet had led a bloody military coup against the democratically elected socialist government of President Salvador Allende. After ruthlessly crushing any opposition, including political parties, trade unions, and other dissident groups, Pinochet consolidated power in his own hands and ruled Chile as a dictator until 1990. Although he reluctantly ceded his political authority to a democratically elected civilian government after losing a referendum in 1988, Pinochet had made certain he would continue to play a major role in his country’s affairs. He retained the position of Commander-in-Chief until 1998, and even then, at the age of 82, refused to go into full retirement.

During the period leading up to the transition from military dictatorship to democracy, Pinochet had skilfully negotiated a series of compromises from Chile’s new political leaders. As well as granting him full control over the army, they also agreed to permit Pinochet to name nine unelected senators-for-life. Upon his retirement as head of the armed forces, Pinochet decided that he himself would take one of these senatorial seats. From his new position as a civilian legislator, Pinochet would ensure his ongoing supervision of the direction Chile’s democratic process might take. His control over a bloc of seats in the Senate would give him the power to exercise a veto over any laws passed by the lower house of the Chilean Congress, where a centre-left coalition of parties led by President Eduardo Frei now holds a majority.

To some Chileans, Pinochet’s departure was long overdue. Many of them had lost friends and family members at the time of the coup, and others had suffered political persecution or economic hardship after Pinochet’s regime gutted the social welfare programs the Allende government had introduced to aid Chile’s poor. In addition, those who valued civil liberties and democratic processes could never forgive the general for betraying Chile’s long and proud history of constitutional, civilian rule. But to others, especially those in the middle and upper classes of Chilean society, Pinochet was and remains a national hero. These people believe that he saved the country from self-destructing into political chaos in 1973, and that the firm yet far-sighted reforms he introduced since then put Chile on the road to prosperity and economic growth. Pinochet’s departure was marked by both congratulatory speeches and angry protest demonstrations. But despite their starkly divergent opinions of this man and his policies, all Chileans would certainly agree that he has left his mark on their country, for better or worse.